On September 8, 2018, the
NY Times reported that José Baselga,
MD, Chief Medical Officer at the prestigious Memorial
Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in New York, and a world-renowned cancer
researcher, had received at least hundreds of thousands of dollars in payments
from drug companies and manufacturers of radiation equipment bought by his hospital.
The number of companies from which Dr. Baselga was receiving payments turned
out to be in the dozens. The emphasis in this article was not so much that he
had received the money, for him personally, but that he had not reported this
conflict of interest (COI) to the many journals that had published articles he
had written. These articles were often studies of drugs produced by the
companies that had paid him money.
‘Dr. Baselga did not dispute his relationships
with at least a dozen companies. In an interview, he said the disclosure lapses
were unintentional. He stressed that much of his industry work was publicly
known although he declined to provide payment figures from his involvement with
some biotech startups. “I acknowledge that there have been inconsistencies, but
that’s what it is,” he said. “It’s not that I do not appreciate the
importance.”’
He in fact DID let it affect his science, as the article
reports:
‘At a conference this year and
before analysts in 2017, he put a positive spin on the results of two
Roche-sponsored clinical trials that many others considered disappointments,
without disclosing his relationship to the company. Since 2014, he has received
more than $3 million from Roche in consulting fees and for his stake in a
company it acquired.’
This is important stuff. He took bribes from drug companies
and spun the data to make their drugs look good. This is corruption. It is
important to separate this from conflict of interest. COI, as I discussed on
August 20, 2010 (“The
AAFP, Coca Cola, and Ethics: Serving the public interest?”), exists
when you have – surprise – conflicting interests! As when you receive money
from your employer, and also money from some other company, thus creating a
conflict. As medical ethicist Howard Brody, MD, pointed out in his article on
the AAFP:
‘imagine that a judge who is sitting on a case involving a contract
dispute between two companies is discovered to own $100,000 worth of stock in
one of the companies. The judge cannot divert criticism of this conflict of
interest by saying, ‘But you haven’t waited until I delivered my verdict—how do
you know that I won’t rule against the company in which I own stock?“
He has a conflict of interest. You don’t have to actually do
anything to the detriment of one of your funders to be in COI; most journal
policies require reporting it so that readers can be aware of the COI, but it
does not necessarily mean that if impacts your work. In Baselga’s case,
however, it obviously did.
I guess he realized it. On September 13, 2018, the
Times reported Baselga’s resignation
from Memorial Sloan-Kettering. You can just imagine the Sloan-Kettering board
of directors holding their breath to see if this would just blow over, and I am
sure mostly that it would not affect donations from rich people. On that same
day, the Times also published several
letters from readers about the topic, all of them critical of
Baselga, but emphasizing different issues. Charles Fried, a law professor from
Harvard, notes that Baselga received $1.5 million in income from his employer, Sloan-Kettering, and
wondered “Why isn’t $1.5 million enough?” Of course, for some people, nothing
is ever enough. But the important point here is that Baselga was scarcely a
penniless medical researcher barely scraping by and thus in need of this graft
to pay a mortgage on a modest home, or buy a second bass boat. He was just
really greedy.
Other letters emphasize other aspects of this practice,
noting that Baselga may be a famous and particularly corrupt example, but that
he is far from the only one receiving payoffs. Daniel J. Brauner, MD, a
geriatrician and ethicist from the University of Chicago, notes that revealing
COI is insufficient, observing that ‘The
sad fact is that the current system of medical research and care conducted by
physician-scientists like Dr. Baselga is fundamentally flawed and does an
extreme disservice to patients, who deserve an unbiased accounting about the
true worth of potential treatments.’ Frances M. Visco, president of the National
Breast Cancer Coalition, bemoans the fact that ‘Breast cancer patients are tired of “breakthrough” therapies that do
not extend life for even a day but do bring millions of dollars to industry,
medical institutions and the doctors who care for us,’ and demands that
researchers and journals ‘Just stop
circling the wagons, focusing on financial gain and fame.’
On September 16, 2018, the Times published a full-column
editorial on the issue in its widely-read Sunday Review. It notes
how common the practice of paying corporate money to doctors and researchers
is, observing that ‘A 2015 study in The BMJ
found that a “substantial number” of academic leaders hold directorships that
pay as much as or more than their clinical salaries.’ In addition, it report
that ‘nearly 70 percent of oncologists
who speak at national meetings, nearly 70 percent of psychiatrists on the task
force that ultimately decides what treatments should be recommended for what
mental illnesses, and a significant number of doctors on Food and Drug
Administration advisory committees have financial ties to the drug and medical
device industries.’ In its analysis of the problem, the editorial leaves
out one major issue: much, or most, of the basic research that is done and
leads to the production of these hugely-profitable drugs is funded by the
federal government through the National Institutes of Health (NIH); that is to
say, you and me. The drug companies pick up the work later when they think that
the drug may represent a big financial boon for them.
The Times calls for greater safeguards to
protect the public, with several suggestions including: 1. Ban paid
appointments to outside boards, 2. Create uniform reporting standards, 3. Establish
real consequences for violations, and 4. Build a culture of transparency. These
are good suggestions, and should be implemented, although how one does #4 is
not entirely clear, and the likelihood of #1 happening is low. But the real
issue is the degree to which we, the American people, are willing to tolerate
graft and corruption. We may – or may not -- dislike it when it occurs in the
private sector (certainly President Trump was a major practitioner in his
pre-Presidential years). We condemn it when it involves politicians, though it
is rampant in federal, state, and local government (although what is illegal
graft for state legislators is legal, if sometimes embarrassing, for
Congressmen), but we expect it when it comes in the form of “campaign
contributions”. And we should not be surprised when it infects medical
researchers and physicians, who we hope have our health interests, not their
own financial interests, at heart in what they do.
Corruption and graft is corruption and graft. It happens,
and shouldn’t, and won’t stop until we demand it. And it won’t stop in health
care until we get the profit incentive out of it.
1 comment:
Most will remember that Arnold Relman warned us decades ago about the medical-industrial complex. His partner, Marcia Angell, has continued to remind us of the evils inherent in these ethical compromises, and yet the problems have continued to expand to the point that the chief medical officer of Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center obscenely and blatantly crosses these ethical boundaries.
How apathetic our opposition has become is more subtly demonstrated by the fact that we have allowed Congress and the federal administrations to gradually shift our most vaunted public program, Medicare, over into the hands of Wall Street, thereby transforming it from a public program owned by the people into a golden business opportunity of private Medicare Advantage plans owned by passive Wall Street investors, though funded by the taxpayers.
No wonder we have the most expensive health care system in the world, and yet with those funds we are buying, on average, mediocrity. Our thinking needs to be revolutionary. We can begin by eliminating the passive investors in health care, specifically by eliminating the private insurance industry and expanding a publicly administered Medicare program to cover everyone, and also by eliminating passive investor ownership of the medical-industrial complex by converting all sectors of the health care delivery system into not-for-profit entities. (Some might suggest that we go even further and convert it all to government ownership in the form of a national health service.)
We really do need to eliminate from our health care system the opportunities to exercise greed.
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