The Affordable Care Act (ACA, Obamacare) has been very
successful, despite the pronouncements of doomsayers (mostly Republicans). More
than 10 million people who were previously uninsured have received coverage,
and this has dramatically increased their access to health care. However, many people
remain without health insurance, and many more are barely able to afford their
premiums or can afford only the most basic plans. These people fall largely
into three groups: those who the law was never planned to make eligible (mainly
those people who are living in this country without documents), those people
who make less than 133% of the poverty level but were not previously eligible
for Medicaid and live in states that have not opted for Medicaid expansion, and
lower-income people above 133% of poverty who have either not bought insurance
on the exchanges or bought it and have since dropped it.
The first group, those without papers, comprise over 11
million real human beings in this country, people who work and go to school
and get sick and visit our emergency rooms. That they are not even considered
in ACA or any other proposal considered politically viable is a
head-in-the-sand approach that ignores both human suffering and the cost of
providing care to them. This cost is often shifted to hospitals, doctors, and
volunteer organizations, such as the student-run Jaydoc Free Clinic in Kansas City, KS.
The work that volunteers do is admirable, like that of the people celebrated by
the first President Bush as “1000 points of light”, but it is not the way a
wealthy country should have to provide care to people.
The second group is
composed of those that the ACA intended to be covered by Medicaid expansion,
but who live in states that have opted not to expand Medicaid. Given that the
federal government would have picked up 100% of the bill for the first 4 years
and then 90% thereafter, it is financially a good deal for the states. The
reason that states like Kansas have not done so is entirely political; these
are all states with Republican governors and/or Republican-controlled
legislatures (although it does not include all of those!) whose core political
position is opposition to anything coming from President Obama. Their proposed health
plan is -- well, nothing, but they are against Obamacare, and against expanding
Medicaid, and if this seems not only mean but economically stupid, so be it.
People who in other states can access care when they need it are going without
care or showing up in extremis in ERs.
Hospitals end up footing the costs for people who could have been insured..
In Kansas, the first
hospital closure that might have been forestalled with Medicaid expansion has
occurred. Closing
of Kansas hospital adds to Medicaid expansion debate (Kansas City Star, October 18, 2015) describes the closure of Mercy
Hospital in Independence, KS. Doctors from relatively nearby towns that still
have a hospital report increases in ER visits from people from Independence.There
are many reasons that contributed to this closing, including the fact that
residents of rural areas such as Independence are older and sicker than the
national or state average, but a large proportion of them would have been
eligible for expanded Medicaid had the state implemented it. The article makes
clear that “While Medicaid expansion may not have saved Mercy Hospital, there
are some in Montgomery County who say it could save many individuals.”
The Kansas Hospital Association (KHA) has been lobbying hard
for Medicaid expansion because their members are losing money caring for
uninsured people who are covered in the states that have expanded Medicaid. These
hospitals are absorbing the impact of cuts to MediCARE which were supposed to
be offset by the decrease in the uninsured resulting from the expansion of
MediCAID, which is of course not happening in states such as Kansas, and it sees
Mercy as the first domino to fall. KHA has a lot of influence in the state
capital, Topeka, and rarely loses battles that it engages as strongly as it has
this one, but so far there has been no movement from the Governor or
legislature. While some legislators are beginning to rethink the issue: “ ‘My sense is a lot of legislators are saying
we need to have that discussion (about Medicaid expansion). We need to take a
hard look at that issue,’ said Rep. Linda Gallagher, a Lenexa Republican. ‘I do support that myself’”, others are
adamantly opposed: “’I know that’s on the
table. I don’t think any decision has been made on that,’ said Rep. Tony
Barton, a Leavenworth Republican. ‘I
think it would be moving in the wrong direction. I’ll leave it at that.’”
And well he might leave it at that, as there is really nothing he can say that
makes economic or social sense. It is a quintessential statement of opposition,
being against something because, well, he is against it.
The Star article
makes clear that Independence, KS has had, like many small towns, difficulty in
recruiting and retaining physicians, but even those towns with doctors have
hospitals with major financial challenges that could be helped by Medicaid
expansion. Dr. Doug Gruenbacher, board chair of the Kansas Academy of Family
Physicians (KAFP), an organization representing the family doctors who are the
mainstay of rural health care, practices in Quinter, KS. While Quinter has
fewer than 1000 residents (compared to Independence’s 9300), its group of
family doctors cares for people from perhaps a dozen surrounding counties. Dr.
Gruenbacher wrote a letter
to the Salina Journal (October
10, 2015) calling for Medicaid expansion. He says “I know that my hospital [Gove County Medical Center] and more importantly, my patients, would
benefit from the expansion.”
This leaves the third group of people who have had little or
no benefit from the ACA: those who have either not been able to afford to purchase
insurance on exchanges, despite subsidies, or have dropped it as a result of
rate increases by insurance companies. In “Insurance
Dropouts Present a Challenge for Health Law” (NY Times, October 11, 2015), Abby Goodnough focuses on people in
Mississippi, another states that has not expanded Medicaid. She observes that many
of those who are working and making more than 133% of poverty are eligible for
subsidies on the exchanges – indeed, 95% of Mississippians receiving coverage
this way have subsidies, the highest percentage in the nation – but
increasingly are finding the premiums more than they can afford on their tight
budgets. Sometimes people were dropped from their insurance companies simply because
they did not provide some information that the law requires to prevent
undocumented people from signing up. Sometimes they just couldn’t afford it.
The ACA prohibits insurers from denying coverage for those
with pre-existing conditions, but does not prohibit them from charging more for
that coverage. And they do. “Walter Whitlow, 56, a remodeling
contractor in Volente, Tex., said he had never seen the emails the federal
marketplace sent him asking for additional proof of income after he signed up
for a Humana plan in January. Doctors diagnosed throat cancer in February, and
in June he learned from his oncologist’s office that his monthly premium had
gone to $439 from $103 and his deductible to $4,600 from $900.” Whoops. Glitch.
Or not. The ACA
was an attempt to accommodate many political interests, and thus is a
conglomeration of different programs. Its commitment to insurance companies,
whose support seemed to be necessary to pass the bill, was to have the
“individual mandate”, so that the insurers, now required to cover everyone,
would have everyone, not just the
sickest, in their risk pool. However, beyond this, the ability of insurers to
increase premiums for the sick was projected to be a problem, but the
advantages of passing the program outweighed it. ACA is not intended to ensure
health for all, but coverage for most (except those noted above). In the
aggregate, it has been of great benefit. But for individuals, like Mr. Whitlow,
the impact has been disastrous.
It is important
to remember that this impact is not because we passed a bill that tried to
cover as many people as possible, as opponents of ACA maintain without any
data. It is because that bill did not go far enough, did not cover everyone,
did not provide sufficient protection for people from the predatory practices
of insurance companies. These are not the reasons that most ACA opponents want
to fix, although they should be fixed. Dismantling ACA will not help the people
who are described above, suffering despite this program; it would only vastly
increase their number.
But change is
necessary. We do, in fact, need a comprehensive national health program that
simply, like those of most countries, covers
everyone. Like Medicare for all. This will not solve all problems. It will
not necessarily bring doctors to rural Kansas. It will not insure quality. It
will not, in itself, completely control costs. But it is a necessary, if not
sufficient, step.
“Our mission as family
physicians is to provide care to all Kansans, not just the insured,” Dr.
Gruenbacher writes. The next step is to make sure that there are no Kansans, or
Americans, left out.
3 comments:
A really helpful analysis..............
Dr. Josh:
I write on the PPACA at Angry Bear blog and I am sure you can find my babbling at some point if you Google run75441. I also did much of the editing for Maggie Mahar at Angry Bear blog also.
Puzzling to me is this statement in your article: "in June he learned from his oncologist’s office that his monthly premium had gone to $439 from $103 and his deductible to $4,600 from $900.”
Why would the Oncologist's off ice know of a premium increase for Walt.
Bill: It is a quote from the cited NY Times article. I have no idea how his oncologist would have know.
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