Hospitals increase cost of health care...and pick and choose what they market to whom

The greed of pharmaceutical and insurance companies is the stuff of legend. There can be no justification for the huge costs that the American people have to bear as a result. Their administrative costs and profits alone are unconscionable and drive up the cost of health care so much that it takes a completely self-serving and willfully ignorant Democratic presidential candidate to disingenuously ask “how will we pay for” Medicare for All – and we  have a lot of them. The financial cost is, however, is not the most evil part of what they do. That would be the deaths and disability and bankruptcy that affects so many Americans because the insurance companies deny them care and the pharmaceutical companies make their drugs unaffordable. (This is a mild term for drugs that can cost $30,000-$100,000 a year and more!)

I have written about these issues many times. More recently I have also written about the role that providers (mainly hospitals and “health systems”, but also some physicians, nursing homes, etc.) play in the two-pronged scandal of the US health care system – too expensive and too unavailable to too many. There are some hospitals (I include “health systems” but will use “hospital” to avoid confusion with the “health care system”) that are actually for-profit, but most are officially “non-profit”. This means that they don’t have shareholders – and don’t pay taxes – but they otherwise behave just the same, trying to make as much money as possible. They say that they plow this back into the services that the hospitals provide, but it also includes salaries for C-suite executives that look just as outrageous as those in the “for-profit” sector.

More important, the “improvement” in services does not always – or even usually – create new services that were absent from the community previously, or make them available to more people than previously, say the poor and uninsured. They are usually efforts to attract insured, paying, profitable patients away from other hospitals by building a new, fancier cancer center, or heart center, or orthopedic center. Hardly ever pediatrics (except neonatal intensive care) or mental health – they only want to expand those services that are big profit centers. In this way, it is parallel to the behavior of drug companies; they prefer to minimally modify existing big sellers to get a piece of that market (“me-too” drugs) rather than to develop drugs to meet needs not currently being met.

It is good to see the hospitals being called out by major health system critics. Elisabeth Rosenthal, president of Kaiser Health News, wrote an important article on September 1, 2019 in the New York Times (where was once the health reporter) titled “That Beloved Hospital? It’s Driving Up Health Care Costs”, in which she makes many of the same points. She writes that

Data shows that hospitals are by far the biggest cost in our $3.5 trillion health care system, where spending is growing faster than gross domestic product, inflation and wage growth. Spending on hospitals represents 44 percent of personal expenses for the privately insured, according to Rand.

A report this year from researchers at Yale and other universities found that hospital prices increased a whopping 42 percent from 2007 to 2014 for inpatient care and 25 percent for outpatient care, compared with 18 percent and 6 percent for physicians.

The reason, of course is the political clout that the big hospitals can buy (with, of course, our money!).The Democratic presidential candidates are beholden (with the exception of Sens. Sanders) to both hospital contributions and the role of big hospitals as major employers and economic drivers. “In 2018, PACs associated with the Greater New York Hospital Association, and individuals linked to it, gave $4.5 million to the Democrats’ Senate Majority PAC and $1 million to their House Majority PAC. Its chief lobbyist personally gave nearly a quarter of a million dollars to dozens of campaigns last year.” Could this have anything to do with why “The cost of a hospital stay in the United States averaged $5,220 a day in 2015 — and could be as high as over $17,000, compared with $765 in Australia”? Ya think? Ask you politicians what they are going to do about it…

The media, including Kaiser Health News, has been running stories on hospitals that are aggressively pursuing lawsuits against patients who have been unable to pay their bills. On September 3, 2019, the Times ran a long piece on the poster child for this practice, Carlsbad Medical Center in New Mexico, in “As Patients Struggle With Bills, Hospital Sues Thousands”, but Carlsbad is by far not the only one. The practice is most common in towns with just one hospital, and of course, patients do not know how much they owe – or for what. It doesn’t matter if you are insured: “Ms. Price, 40, a nurse and local 4-H leader, has been sued five times by Carlsbad Medical Center, for bills totaling more than $17,000….Ms. Price said she had never received an itemized bill outlining exactly what she owed money for. The collection agency wanted the balance in full, and she was not able to work out a payment plan until after she was sued.”

This article names other hospitals that sue patients as a core business practice, and mentions over 20,000 suits in Virginia. Turns out that this was in no small part driven by the state-owned University of Virginia hospital in Charlottesville, documented by the Washington Post and MSN in “‘UVA has ruined us’: Health system sues thousands of patients, seizing paychecks and putting liens on homes”. In a quick response, the Governor of Virginia and the University vow to stop suing patients, but this has apparently not affected those already sued: ‘“Fixing the problem “is complicated,” in part because “we are legally obligated as a state agency to collect debts,” he [UVA president Ryan] said. “But we have discretion within those legal constraints to make our system more generous and more humane.”’ It also has not hurt the CEO of the hospital “…Pamela Sutton-Wallace, who will leave in November to join New York-Presbyterian Hospital as a senior vice president”. Maybe she can teach them to sue their patients…

Many of us have sort of emotional attachments to our local hospitals, where we were born, or delivered our babies, or had our life-saving surgery or other treatment; for which we raised money through bake sales and car washes, or maybe volunteered in the gift shop. But these are not the warm fuzzy hospitals you remember. Rosenthal acknowledges that many rural hospitals are in financial trouble – and they are – but supporting the fantastic (“non-”) profit of these major hospitals is not going to change that. As in every other sector of society, we have two classes of service. One is to those in major metropolitan areas with money or good insurance, with conditions that are highly-profitably reimbursed, like cancer. Preferably all of the above. There is no limit to what will be invested in them. Then there are those without money, or good insurance, who live in rural areas, or have problems that are not well reimbursed, like mental health or substance use. They will not get investment. Simple as that.

Major hospitals are big businesses and act like it. You are a customer – but, compared to other industries in which you are a customer, a particularly uninformed one. Need a car? A refrigerator? Financial services? Dental care in Mexico (had to get that one in)? You can find out what it will cost and compare prices. Hospital care? In the US? You gotta be kidding.

The answer? Improved an expanded Medicare for All, a single-payer system in which, as in Canada, hospitals get global budgets, and separate capital budgets so that they cannot use the money (profit) they earn on your care to build spas to attract high-paying patients from competitors. Where everyone gets the care they need, and no one gets excessive care. Possible? Too expensive? Ask the Canadians. Or Australians, where the average hospital bill is less than $800. Or British, or French, or Swedish, or Danish, or Dutch, or German, or Taiwanese….

"Medicare for All" means ALL -- Accept no substitutes!

Let’s start with the good news. “Medicare for All” is definitely trending. It is the central domestic issue for the Democratic primary. This is because of the absolute crisis in the health system. It is also, let us remember, because of Bernie Sanders, who has supported a single-payer universal health system for decades and made it a central part of his 2016 presidential campaign. He didn’t win the nomination, but he won the battle of ideas, which is why it is so important in this campaign.

People love the idea of being covered for their healthcare needs, and having that coverage untethered from where they work (assuming that where they work provides health insurance), whether they can work if they have been laid off, can’t find a job, or are disabled, or whether they are quite old enough to qualify for Medicare, whether they are quite poor enough to qualify for Medicaid (and let’s be straight, you have to be REALLY poor, even in the most generous states, and in some states it is just ridiculous). This is because the current healthcare system in the US really stinks. A huge percentage of those who are insured have terrible coverage, those who have reasonable coverage pay (often along with their employer) an extremely high amount for that coverage in premiums, deductibles and co-pays, and an unconscionable number of Americans are completely uninsured. The health outcomes in the US are terrible, trailing all other developed countries (discussed here many times). The only thing we lead in is the cost of the system, and of course the amount of profit made by the predatory components of it such as insurance companies, drug companies and some providers – which is of course totally related to why it costs so much.

An excellent example of the insanity of our current profit-driven system is provided by the Kaiser Health Network and covered by CBS Morning News and the medical news site “Medscape”, detailing how a dialysis patient received a half-million dollar bill because the dialysis center he went to, which was closest to his home (70 miles) was “out of network” for him. This particular patient will probably have his bill written off because of the extensive national coverage, but it happens all the time; it is the norm, not the exception. No wonder people are fed up!

The less good news is that, although most of the Democratic presidential candidates (notably excluding front-runner Joe Biden) have endorsed the words “Medicare for All”, their proposals are all over the place. Most of them do NOT guarantee universal coverage, not to mention the necessary expansion of benefits (“Improved and Expanded Medicare for All”) needed to ensure that the American people get ALL the health care that they need (including mental health, vision, hearing, long-term care, substance abuse treatment, etc.) The New York Times, which has made a crusade of limiting coverage of Bernie Sanders and trying to minimize or denigrate him when they do cover him, and is also an opponent of truly, universal, comprehensive single-payer health care, does have a very useful graphic in an article originally from the “Upshot” in February but in the print edition of August 13. It portrays the characteristics of many of the health plans proposed currently, and makes clear that only two, those sponsored by Sanders in the Senate and the bill in the House with Pramila Jayapal (D-WA) as the primary sponsor and over a hundred co-sponsors, actually would provide what we need.  

A clear exposition of many issues, including facts misrepresented about universal single payer, is summarized in an elegant piece in the Washington Post by Rep. Jayapal. It is an excellent point-by-point response to various criticisms and concerns that have been raised, and is well worth the time to read, even if you don’t have time to read the whole bill (Medicare for All Act of 2019).

Two of the most important criticisms to which she responds are particularly telling, since they are deeply tied. One is that people want to be able to keep their private insurance (presumably those who have, or possibly mistakenly think they have – good insurance). The “evidence” provided for this claim is that the percent of people who say that they support “Medicare for All” goes down if the question “even if you have to give up your current insurance” is added. Of course, the question is misleading; when people are told that they would be fully covered for everything, with no co-pays or deductibles or co-insurance, and that they will have completely free choice of providers, this objection goes away. Let’s be honest; no one cares about having a choice of which insurance company will deny them what they need; this is a nonsense concern. And, yet, this is driving the proposals of some presidential candidates and members of Congress to do a less-than-universal solution, some version of Medicare-for-More, or “buy-ins” or expansion of Obamacare.

The other objection, “how will we pay for it”, is also frequently heard, even from those who know how but just don’t want to accept it. The answer is very closely tied to the answer to the question above, because the cost only becomes impractically expensive if insurance companies – and their overhead and profit – are built back into the equation. A comprehensive Medicare-for-All program, when fully implemented, will be funded by the money that Americans and their employers pay for health insurance currently, including all the money spent by the federal government and states on Medicare and Medicaid, supplemented by additional taxes on corporations that do not already provide comprehensive insurance and on the wealthiest Americans. Yes, most people’s taxes would increase, but for the vast majority, the increase would be far less than they pay now in insurance premiums, co-pays, and deductibles, and would “buy” them comprehensive care for all medical problems with no limited ‘panels’ of providers. Those who would pay more can well afford it. But the key here is not having insurance company profit and overhead built into the system; this is one big reason that the US health care system is so expensive, and leaving it in makes it much less affordable. To suggest such solutions is like saying “the cost of business is so high, especially including payoffs we make to gangsters for protection -- but of course it is really important that any new system we develop include those gangster payoffs!”

Why would many pundits and “liberal” media outlets like the NY Times, CNN, etc. want to create such confusion and undermine efforts to create a truly universal, comprehensive single-payer system? I can’t know. I do know that they are all in the upper tiers of income, have good insurance, and are surrounded at work and in their neighborhoods by those in similar situations. Maybe this makes them blind to the needs of most people; maybe they believe that the top 10% of income of which they are a part is in fact typical. Or maybe they realize their privilege and want to keep it, and don’t want everyone else diluting their access.

But including everyone is key, not only for the financial reasons, but for quality reasons. When the upper income and well-educated are in the same system as the poorer and less empowered, they can be depended upon to ensure that the system is of quality, and this benefit then applies to everyone. It is why we cannot let them opt out.

Out health care system is a mess, delivering poor outcomes for lots of money, and is a maze of different programs and eligibility. We don’t need more of that; we need to simplify it and have one outstanding system that covers everyone.

United Airlines, health care, and a system designed to privilege the powerful

The spectacle of Chicago Department of Aviation security officers beating and dragging a passenger off of a United Airlines flight was recorded by other passengers and quickly went viral on the Internet, generating outrage across the country (and internationally, particularly in China, where the fact that the passenger was Asian was a source of fury). A series of statements from United and its CEO, Oscar Muñoz escalated from tone-deaf explanation (essentially “well, we told him to get off first”) to most recently apparent contrition, saying it should never, ever, happen to anyone and that United would never, ever, have local police board its planes to take off a legitimate, paying customer.

It is unlikely that this too-little too-late response is going to appease anyone, and it is profoundly to be hoped that United suffers severe financial repercussions; the passenger, who suffered a broken nose and lost teeth, almost certainly will sue. It is not clear how to make this happen to the Chicago Aviation Department. The fury of the public is almost certainly increased by the personal experience of (coach) airline passengers. It also is not limited to either United or to airline travel, as Helaine Olen articulately describes in her NY Times op-ed “United Airlines is not alone”, on April 12, 2017. Ms. Olen goes through the list of issues that were raised by this incident, including not only the concerns about racism (would it have been worse if he were black?), but about the militarization of our police response to relatively minor issues. Although the officers involved were from Aviation Security and not the Police Department, it is understandable that a friend from Chicago posted the question “Was anyone surprised that the Chicago PD used such violence?” on Facebook, given that department’s history of “overreaction” and use of military-type tactics.

But Olen’s main point is that this event (if not necessarily the attendant violence) reflects the vast disparity in treatment provided, not only by United and other airlines but across our society, of people in different socioeconomic situations. She goes through the multiple enhancements to the first class cabins (sleepable seats with Saks 5^th Avenue bedding, better meals, etc.) and compares them to the growing level of discomforts and indignities inflicted on coach passengers, with no food, increased crowding, baggage fees, and the like. The crowding is worse than on a bus, and Greyhound doesn’t charge for baggage. Full-fare first class passengers are a big profit center, but most people in first class are not the 1%ers who can pay these fares, they are business travelers whose companies have bought coach tickets and upgraded to first based on miles earned through an airlines loyalty program. And airlines love that, because it means they will keep flying with them. The rest of us, tough. And don’t believe that they “need” to stay so lean; Olen notes that United made $2.3 Billion in profit last year.

Olen also makes the connection to health, observing that

In a study published in 2014, Martin Gilens at Princeton University and Benjamin Page at Northwestern University found government policy and actions rarely reflected majority sentiment, but instead favored corporate interests and the wealthiest Americans. When congressional Republicans offered up a health insurance reform package earlier this year that would have covered fewer people than the Affordable Care Act, Representative Jason Chaffetz, Republican of Utah, initially defended it by claiming Americans needed to choose between spending on necessary medical care or buying an iPhone. Meantime, the fabled 1 percent would have received an average tax cut totaling $37,000 if the legislation were fully enacted.

And if anyone doubts that this is how the health system functions (although I doubt that many readers of this blog do), I recommend the new book “An American Sickness: how healthcare became big business and how you can take it back”, by Elisabeth Rosenthal (Penguin Random House, 2017). Rosenthal, a former New York Times reporter whose fantastic series “Paying till it hurts” ran in the Times a couple of years ago, is now the editor-in-chief of Kaiser Health News. I have cited her reporting frequently in this blog and in my 2015 book “Health, Medicine and Justice: designing a fair and equitable healthcare system” (Copernicus Healthcare). Indeed, “An American Sickness” overlaps considerably with my book, but is by a much better-known figure, and hopefully will be widely read. Rosenthal, a physician, pulls few punches in this work, saying unequivocally that the US health system is designed and functions to maximize the income and profit of providers (especially hospitals), insurance companies, and pharmaceutical and device manufacturers. (An excellent review of the book by Jacob Hacker, Professor of Political Science at Yale, can be found here.) Rosenthal identifies the ten “Economic rules of the dysfunctional medical market” (which I have reproduced in the figure); all are important but #10, “Prices will rise to whatever the market will bear” is particularly critical, and reflects that the health system bears little or no relationship to a true market, and does not play by Adam Smith’s rules.

ECONOMIC RULES OF THE DYSFUNCTIONAL MEDICAL MARKET

(E. Rosenthal, “An American Sickness”)

1.      More treatment is always better. Default to the most expensive option.

2.      A lifetime of treatment is preferable to a cure.

3.      Amenities and marketing matter more than good care.

4.      As technologies age, prices can rise rather than fall.

5.      There is no free choice. Patients are stuck. And they’re stuck with buying American.

6.      More competitors vying for business doesn’t mean better prices; it can drive prices up, not down.

7.      Economies of scale don’t translate to lower prices. With their market power, big providers can simply demand more.

8.      There is no such thing as a fixed price for a procedure or test. And the uninsured pay the highest prices of all.

9.      There are no standards for billing. There’s money to be made in billing for anything and everything.

10.   Prices will rise to whatever the market will bear.

Rosenthal supports each of these rules with data and examples. Regarding rules #8 and #9, in an NPR interview with Terry Gross on “Fresh Air” ,she emphasizes the importance of getting an itemized bill from the hospital and going through it line by line, citing a person who found $70,000 in outpatient surgery charges for an inpatient hospitalization, and others billed for circumcisions their newborn sons did not have. But it is not always easy; in the book she tells of a person who demanded an itemized bill rather than the one she received, where the total of $45,000 was simply labeled “Miscellaneous”! The hospital never sent it, despite it being her legal right, but did send her to a collection agency! Rosenthal says we would never tolerate shopping at a supermarket with no prices where they just sent us a $2000 bill every week. We should not tolerate this in healthcare.  Every single service must have a listed, easily accessible public price. It may be fine to discount it for some insurers, and even more for some than for others, but the list price must be as clear as we expect it to be for anything else that we buy.

I learned some things from Rosenthal that had not even occurred to me; for example, the ACA’s 85% limit on “medical loss ratio” (i.e., the percent of premiums that insurers actually have to spend on medical care) ironically helps encourage them to be willing to pay higher prices to providers. Why would they pay $130,000 for a treatment that cost $19,000 only 15 blocks south (the opening example in the book)? Well, they get to keep 15%. And 15% of a bigger number is more in their pockets. And they just pass on the cost as higher premiums! Rosenthal discusses an important conservative health economist who is known for saying the high cost of US healthcare is overblown, but (amazingly) sings a very different tune when confronting the hospital bill for his father!

“Dysfunctional” is the wrong word for our health non-system. It functions just fine to make lots of money for the biggest corporate (including ostensibly “non-profit”) players. For the rest of us, it doesn’t always provide the best, or even adequate care, and it drains our individual and collective pockets, significantly contributing to individual bankruptcies and bad health outcomes when folks go without care. It also results in governments at federal, state, and local levels not having funds for other social programs that might actually improve health more.

Yes, we can change it but it will require resolve and a lot of work, because the opponents of change are rich, powerful, and entrenched. We cannot accept any excuses from our bought-off politicians or “pragmatists” who are the ones who suffer the least. We are least able to fight when we are sick and need care, just as we are least able to object to our conditions when we have a ticket and are on a plane bound for where we need to go. But just as we can fight the latter, we can fight the former; the social media response to United is an example of a good start.

But it is going to take more than a good start to get the thieves and profiteers out of healthcare, and get a system that benefits us all. It is going to take a long fight with a lot of hard work. Up for it?

Who is gaming the system? Surprise, it's the corporations!

I recently participated in a panel discussion following a presentation on the impact of the Affordable Care Act (“Obamacare”) by UC-Berkeley economist J. Bradford DeLong. Unsurprisingly, Dr. DeLong, who worked in the federal government as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy in the early years of the Clinton administration, during an earlier attempt to pass comprehensive health reform, took an economic point of view. He described the economic theories behind each of the approaches to health reform, how the ACA was put together, how it most resembled the “RomneyCare” model implemented in Massachusetts and endorsed by Hillary Clinton but abandoned by the Republicans; he also showed that the Obama administration miscalculated the near-unanimity of Republican opposition. He also looked at how the implementation of the ACA has been more successful than many feared (or hoped) and how the economic analysis behind it was distorted by the Supreme Court decision to allow states to not expand Medicaid, which has resulted in an enormous transfer of wealth from the “red” states that have not to the “blue” states that have done so. Apparently, the ideological commitment by many states (including my own, Kansas, and neighboring Missouri) to harm its people and give away money is puzzling from a purely economic, as well as a human, point of view.

One of the themes Dr. DeLong notes coming especially from “conservative” economists and Republican politicians (and we hear a lot) is the need for people to have “skin in the game”, by which they mean co-pays, deductibles, and other ways of people paying out of their pockets. As Dr. DeLong noted, the only large, well-designed, and meticulous study of the impact of such “skin in the game”, the 1983 RAND experiment (which I have previously discussed; see Insurance company profits up and patient care down, May 17, 2011*)  showed that even small out-of-pocket payments discourage people from seeking care for both minor and major conditions, ultimately cost much more to care for, and harm the health of those people. As noted by one of the audience, current requirements in many “high-deductible” plans for “skin in the game” cost-sharing are far greater than those studied by RAND (and can be 45% of a person’s income!) and are thus even more likely to have a major negative health impact.

Another common “game” meme, mentioned by one of the other panelists, is concern with people “gaming the system”. If this conjures up images of elegant gamblers in formal wear playing roulette with James Bond in a posh casino on the Riviera, that is the intent. Like Ronald Reagan’s “welfare queens” and Kansas Governor Sam Brownback’s “able-bodied adults who refuse to work”, it is meant to divide people by creating a “them” who are taking it easy while the hard-working “us” pay the price. Of course, this is nonsense; most of those individuals so “gaming the system” are merely trying their best not to break their budgets paying for health insurance until they get so sick that they need it. Yes, this is certainly contrary to the concept of insurance (everyone pays and only some people benefit, but you never know when it will be you), and is a big reason that most countries have gone to a “social insurance” system that just covers everyone.

In fact, despite all the fooforaw about it, there is no data suggesting that there is massive “gaming of the system” by regular people. Michael Hiltzik’s Los Angeles Times column of February 27, 2016 makes this clear, focusing on “Special Enrollment Periods” (SEPs), times when people can enroll in or change their insurance outside of the usual ACA annual period. Huge insurance companies like Aetna and Anthem have asserted, without much evidence, that people are using these SEPs (mostly designed to allow changes when you get married, divorced, have a baby, move to a different state where your current plan wouldn’t cover you) to “buy to use”, in Anthem’s words, meaning you wait until you’re sick to get insurance. Hiltzik presents data that shows this is not significantly the case, and that it is absurd; he writes “Aetna must think the entire country consists of people plotting how to get a quickie marriage or divorce or have a baby just in case they get sick. The vast majority of SEPs cover a relatively trivial number of cases, unless you think there are hordes of people applying to become members of a Native American tribe after they get sick.”

Of course, people do game the system. But the big gaming is by the insurance companies themselves and the providers of care. These corporations, big insurance companies, health systems, drug makers, who have the clout to “game the system” do so all the time as part of their core business models. It is convenient for them to divert our attention to regular people, middle-class people, and especially poor people, as the ones gaming the system. In fact these are of course the folks who suffer the most harm, whose health is most affected, whose access to care is most limited, and who are stuck with crummy health coverage because this is all they can afford.

The insurers work every legal angle (and perhaps some not-so-legal) to figure out how to mostly insure relatively healthy, low-cost people (after all, 5% of people account for 50% of health costs and 1% for 20%, see my Red, Blue, and Purple: The Math of Health Care Spending, October 20, 2009, and Kaiser Health News report 2013),  while the high-cost patients are covered by Someone Else. Providers, especially health systems and hospitals, figure out how they can “upcode” to get maximum reimbursement from insurers, attract people who have high-profit-margin conditions to themselves, and encourage high-cost, low-reimbursement poor and poorly-insured people to find their care from Someone Else. Insurers blame providers for charging too much, providers blame insurers for paying too little. One of the other panelists, a hospital executive, complained about how insurers seek transfer risk, which is part of the definition of insurance, to the providers. Neither is blameless, and the other big players, pharmaceutical companies (and device manufacturers) make out like bandits, with no major candidate having a real plan to address this according to a report by Julie Rovner of Kaiser Health, (cited here by Medpage Today). Of course, this equates all plans to “negotiate prices” and it is obvious that a single-payer health plan, such as that advocated by Bernie Sanders, will have a lot more negotiating clout than the multiple-insurer mess that other candidates support and exists today.

What did I say as a panelist? Basically, that the goal of the system should be to maintain and improve the health of people, and that the economic design of the system should be designed to achieve that goal, rather than having competing economic theory be the driver, and people the incidental victims. I said that spending money on providing health care to people was not a bad thing, but spending huge amounts on “health care” when more than half was going to profit was. I said that all this spending on medical care (and profit) limited what was left to be spent on creating the conditions that allowed people to benefit from medical care – like housing, food, education – the social determinants of health.

I think that this resonates with people, both at the event and in the world. Or maybe I’m one of those “hopeless idealists”. If the alternative is being cynically corrupt, I wouldn’t want to be anything else.

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* Citations from that blog post: “RAND Health Insurance Experiment (as cited in Freedom abroad, health at home: experiments in preventive health care, February 13, 2011; the study was published in the New England Journal of Medicine in 1983[1]; and it is summarized in an article by Joseph P. Newhouse, "Free for all?:  lessons from the RAND Health Insurance Experiment", RAND 1993.”