Medicare and Medicaid at 60: Need more -- and more threatened -- than at 50!

Ten years ago, on August 2, 2015, I posted Medicare and Medicaid at 50: Time to include “US” all on the 50^th anniversary of Medicare and Medicaid. I lived in Kansas City, and with local pride noted that the legislation was signed by President Lyndon Johnson on July 30, 1965 at the Truman Library in Independence, MO, just outside KC, with President Truman and Mrs. Truman present. They received Medicare cards #1 and #2. There was reason for this symbolism; President Truman had tried to pass a national health insurance program in 1945, but it failed, confronting the shameful opposition of the American Medical Association. In some major ways, his proposed program was more ambitious than even Medicare and Medicaid together would end up being, as it would have covered 85-90% of Americans (it would, however, have been voluntary; opponents could have chosen not to pay in and thus not be covered). In 1946, the Republicans took over Congress and so the proposed legislation was dead, Republicans historically (and currently) opposing anything that benefits most of the American people.

President Lyndon Johnson signing the Medicare and Medicaid Acts with former President Harry Truman at the Truman Library in Independence, MO, in 1965. Ironically, Lyndon Johnson himself never made it to Medicare age, dying in 1973 at age 64.

Medicare provided universal health insurance to seniors, who had previously lived their last years in fear that they would get sick and be bankrupt and unable to afford care, as well as people with some serious disabilities including blindness. Medicaid, a different program funded by a federal-state partnership, with the federal government paying usually more than 50% and up to 90% depending on the average state income, was meant to cover the poorest Americans. Of course, each state set both the eligibility standards (how poor you had to be, and what else you had to be besides poor) and the benefits. And, of course, many states set standards well below the poverty level and provided very limited benefits.

A few years before that 50^th anniversary, in 2010, Congress passed, and President Obama signed, the Affordable Care Act, ACA, also known as Obamacare, which significantly expanded access to health coverage. One major component of the law was the establishment of insurance exchanges where individuals who were previously uninsured could purchase health insurance at group rates, which were more affordable than had previously been available to individuals. The other important component allowed states to expand their Medicaid programs to people who made too much money to have previously been eligible. This part was supposed to fill in the gap and cover those who, despite making too much for Medicaid, still were too poor to qualify for the ACA exchanges, and this was a lot of people. Remember, Medicaid did not cover people who were just poor (even really really poor); you had to be, as stated by Dr. Bridget McCandless, the CEO of the Health Care Foundation of Greater Kansas City at that 2015 event, “poor and…”:

Poor and pregnant, poor and the mother of small children, poor and disabled, poor and in a nursing home, poor and – and the tears rolled down her cheeks – a child.

As I have noted before, despite the lying propaganda put out by Republicans before the passage of HR 1 (the “Big Beautiful Bill”) this year, few Medicaid recipients are able-bodied but unemployed childless adults. Most are small children and their mothers or disabled or in nursing homes – and nursing homes, almost all of which are privately and profitably run, account for most of the money spent. By the way, neither Missouri nor Kansas (the other state in the Kansas City region) took the opportunity to expand Medicaid, even though the federal government would have initially paid 100% and after a few years 90% of the cost, so some of its citizens simply continued to suffer and die.

However, despite this, in the opinion of most Republicans in Congress, too many people were getting health care, and it was costing too much money which could otherwise be used for more important projects, mainly cutting taxes on the wealthiest people in this country. This “problem” is being addressed by HR 1, which will, according to the Congressional Budget Office, result in about 11 million people losing Medicaid coverage. Of course, this is denied by some; Vice President J.D. Vance said “Don’t believe every false media report that you’ve heard, because our explicit goal in the Trump administration is to protect people’s healthcare.” You can either believe him just saying that based on no data, or believe the CBO, or you can wait and see. Also, many Congressional Republicans expressed great concern about the bill’s impact on Medicaid, including my Congressman, Juan Ciscomani (AZ-6), but voted for it anyway. Note: voting for a bill with reservations is the same as voting for a bill!

Medicare will also be significantly (negatively) impacted by HR 1, as discussed in detail by the Commonwealth Fund. They address primarily low-income Medicare recipients with disabilities (arguably a particularly vulnerable group!) who have been eligible for assistance programs that help pay their Part B (outpatient) and Part D (drug coverage) premiums. HR 1 makes it possible for states to create additional obstacles to becoming enrolled in these assistance programs. A lot of Republicans have also talked about the tax savings people will get from Medicare payments, but it will not be very much, and benefit few:

Tax changes for people age 65 and older. The law includes a $6,000 annual tax deduction for adults over 65 with taxable incomes up to $75,000 annually ($150,000 for those filing jointly), with smaller deductions for those making up to $175,000 ($250,000 filing jointly) for 2025–2028. Low-income older adults generally do not make enough taxable income to be eligible for the deduction, but the provision could help middle- and higher-income older adults. The CBO has not separately estimated the cost of this deduction.  [Commonwealth Fund] 

Then there are the rest of us on Medicare. Another major Republican passion is privatizing both Medicare and, indeed, Social Security. Mostly they don’t like to talk about it openly because these are the two most popular programs in the nation, but that is what they are working on. And sometimes one – often a billionaire Cabinet secretary who hasn’t the slightest idea of how regular people live (are there any others?) -- slips up and says just that. In this case it was Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent who told us that the “Trump Accounts” for children were literally a “backdoor” for privatizing Social Security. And they also come in through the front door. The “Medicare Advantage” program is one of the main mechanisms for doing this; it is not Medicare (it takes the Medicare dollars that would provide for your care and pays them to an insurance company that basically puts you in their HMO or PPO) and is only advantageous for some recipients, mostly those who are not too sick. Note that these plans can vary a lot – in general government retirees are in better plans than those from the private sector – but the key issue is that rather than being in Medicare, which has to cover you, you are in a private insurance program which can – and does – often deny your claims, as it does for the non-Medicare insured. (see for example my posts "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times": Threats to the public's health from Medicaid cuts, MAHA, and others, Jun 7, 2025, and Open Enrollment Season for Medicare and Medicare Advantage: What you should know, Oct 7, 2024).

In 1945, under President Truman, the American people needed comprehensive universal health coverage. In 1965, under President Johnson, they still needed it, and some of the most vulnerable Americans, the elderly and poor, got Medicare and Medicaid. In 2010, under President Obama, they still needed it, and got some expansion of coverage from the ACA. In 2025, under President Trump, they need it more than ever, but the coverage that we do have is being deeply eroded. 

Meanwhile, the people of every other wealthy country have universal health care, longer lives, and better health outcomes, and it costs them way less! Are we such suckers?

 

 

 

Latinos and health care in Kansas City, Kansas

Kansas City, Kansas, where I live, makes up the bulk of Wyandotte County. It is the poorest county in Kansas, with a large number of low-income residents of all ethnicities, and stands in many ways in stark contrast to Johnson County to its south, Kansas’ richest county. It is not as poor or depressed as Camden, NJ (see February 18, 2012 blog, Camden and you: the cost of health care to communities); while it has lost many blue-collar industrial jobs, a large number still remain in its Fairfax industrial district (including a GM plant) and along the two enormous trainyards in town. Many of the workers in those plants no longer live in KCK (as the city is known to distinguish it from KCMO). It is seen as a regional “success story” because of the development in the western part of the county around the NASCAR track (and now including a huge mall with Cabela’s, Nebraska Furniture Mart, and a new professional soccer stadium). However, all occurred with tax abatements from the county, so people’s property tax assessments are very high because the value of the real estate is low.

KCK was incorporated early in the 20^th century, combining a number of independent towns, most based around a primary industry, and sometimes even named for it (Argentine, home of a silver smelter, and Armourdale, where there was a meat-packing plant). Much of its history – and present – is determined by its border with Missouri; even today, living in this metropolitan area is greatly affected by being in two states. The Missouri River divides Missouri and Kansas south to Kansas City, where it turns east toward St. Louis, and most of the border between the two states is a two lane street. Quindaro, in the northeast part of the city, is on the Missouri River; it was settled by African-American slaves who crossed the river from Parkville, MO, and, after being dragged south by the current, coming out in the free state of Kansas. Quindaro was a major underground railroad center, and the ruins of the original settlement are now an archeological site, with a statue of John Brown on what was the campus of Western University. The current Quindaro neighborhood is overwhelmingly Black and poor.

Latinos, mostly from Mexico, arrived in 3 waves. The first came to help build the railroads that have been so central to KCK, the second to work in the silver smelter, and the most recent, as in so many US cities over the last 10-20 years, looking for any kind of jobs. 70% of the population increase in Kansas from 2000 to 2010 was Latino; while there are other concentrations, especially in southwest Kansas where there are meatpacking plants and the first majority-minority counties in the state, KCK is definitely a center for Mexican-Americans. The new Latino population is overflowing the boundaries of the traditional Hispanic community, the Argentine (a little confusing, as it is named for silver, not the country of origin of its Spanish-speaking majority), to cover much of the city. A huge mural portrays the history of Argentine, including the migrations of blacks and Latinos and the “clash of cultures” seen in the segment reproduced here.

The Latino community of KCK, like others, suffers the health problems associated with poverty, with young families, and with chronic diseases. The youth of this population means that pregnancy and childbirth, and well-child care, are a dominant health need. Diabetes is very common in the community. And many people do not have good health care access. Most of the industries in town are small, and do not offer health insurance, or offer it with very high premiums, copayments and deductibles. At a time when the National Business Group for Health, representing mostly Fortune 500 companies whose employees have the best health insurance, is predicting big increases in employee premiums, copayments, and deductibles, workers at small companies will be harder hit. And, of course, a large portion of Latino workers are undocumented, and thus ineligible for insurance, although most pay taxes. Even their children, who should be eligible for Medicaid or SCHIP, often do not have coverage because their parents are afraid to enroll them. This is not an idle worry in a state whose legislature is trying to deny in-state tuition at its public universities to students who are legal citizens and residents, often born here, but whose parents are undocumented.

As the poorest county in Kansas, Wyandotte County also has the poorest health status in rankings of Kansas’ 105 counties by the Kansas Health Institute in 2009. In national health rankings by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation in 2011, Wyandotte County came in at 95 – because there was no data for 10 of the state’s smaller counties. As recently as February, 2012, the Community Dashboard published by Kansas Health Matters, continues, unsurprisingly, to show major health challenges. These go far beyond access to medical care to include the entire gamut of the social determinants of health. Access to preventive care and to early diagnosis and treatment of disease is important, but so is having a place to live. And enough heat in the winter. And enough food to eat. And a safe neighborhood, and safe housing. Often providers decry patients missing their appointments; a recent home visit by a health worker found the steps to be so rotten in front of the house of one such patient that it was lucky they didn’t try to come in – they likely would have fallen and broken their hip.

But access to medical care is an important component of health, and it is limited for residents of KCK. Being in Kansas, there are no publicly funded hospitals (there is one across the state line in Kansas City, MO); there are no publicly funded clinics (as there are in San Antonio, TX, where I used to live). There is no state, county, or municipal funding to provide health care to the uninsured and underserved, not in Wyandotte County or even in the very wealthy (but still with a large number of poor, including Latino poor, residents) Johnson County.  The Affordable Care Act (ACA) promises to increase the number of Americans with insurance, and will make a large difference for many, but will be far from a solution to the issues confronting Latinos in KCK.

First, of course, undocumented people will still not be covered. Then, much of the increase in coverage for the poor will be in the form of expanded Medicaid eligibility, largely funded by the federal government, in 2014. Of course, this depends on finding providers who will accept Medicaid rates.  Many of the Latino and other workers in KCK work for companies too small to be required to provide coverage. People who are not Medicaid eligible or undocumented may be offered the opportunity to purchase insurance, or required to if the “individual mandate” is ruled legal by the Supreme Court, but are not likely to be able to afford quality coverage. We read a lot about “quality of care”, but “quality of coverage” is also important – not all insurance is the same. There are often high premiums, co-payments, and deductibles and also low maximal coverage limits. ACA will help to some degree, but many of our people will be left out in the cold.

KCK has a number of “safety net” clinics, if no publicly funded ones. There are a couple of branches of a Missouri-based Federally-Qualified Health Center (FQHC), but these depend on the higher reimbursement they receive from Medicare and Medicaid; recently the one in the Quindaro moved several miles further west, to a neighborhood with more of these government-insured patients. This was better for their business plan than staying in a neighborhood full of uninsured people, but it left Northeast KCK with no doctors. Luckily, another safety-net, which doesn’t get increased Medicare/Medicaid reimbursement and depends on both grants and paying everyone (including the doctors) $14/h, opened a branch in the community. So, at least, there are community organizations, like these clinics, and the student-run free clinic, and Latino community service agencies, to help. But the need is far greater.

And, of course, like elsewhere, there are not enough primary care providers, especially with the new people to be covered under ACA. This is documented in a recent Washington Post piece “Success of health reform hinges on hiring 30,000 primary care doctors by 2015”. Of course, to “hire” them, they have to exist. Which means training them. Which means paying them enough, compared to other specialists, that medical students choose to enter them.

The health problems faced by Latinos in Kansas City, KS, are not unique. But they are serious. And they demand serious solutions, to be confronted by the city, county and state as well as the federal government and insurance companies. And that is yet to happen.